Aging and the changing urban environment: the relationship between older people and the living environment in post-reform Beijing, China

《Aging and the changing urban environment: the relationship between older people and the living environment in post-reform Beijing, China》

打印

作者: Jie Yu;Mark W. Rosenberg

来源: URBAN GEOGRAPHY,Vol.41,Issue1,P.162-181

语言: 英文

关键字: Old age,post-reform China,changing urban environment,aging and environment

作者单位: Department of Geography and Planning, Queen’s University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada

摘要: The Chinese population is aging rapidly. In Beijing, older people’s immediate environments have seen great changes and are important for their everyday aging experiences. This study explains the changing relationships between older people and their living environments by conducting in-depth interviews with 47 older people living at home in Beijing. Results show that older people’s perceptions of their living environments can be categorized by their relocation experience, residential and neighborhood type. Growing housing inequality in post-reform urban China reflects how older people assess their built environments changes. Social relations have changed tremendously with the formation of new social and residential spaces in the city, especially for those who have relocated to different types of residences. Current urban spaces create a sense of insecurity for the older generation that is familiar with the previous Work-unit system.KEYWORDS: Old agepost-reform Chinachanging urban environmentaging and environmentIntroductionChinese cities are undergoing rapid urbanization and urban transformation. New social and residential spaces are being formed and urban governance is being restructured. At the same time, the urban population is aging fast as a result of the baby boom, the One-Child Policy and a declining mortality rate. In response to population aging, the Chinese government announced the ending of the decades-long one-child policy in October 2015. The demographic structure of urban households is gradually turning into a “4–2-1” or “4–2-2” formula, meaning the typical couple from a one-child family will have four parents and one or two children to look after.The Chinese government has also proposed “Aging in community” as the basic strategy for an aging society1 (e.g. Notice of 12th 5-years plan on Chinese Aging Development Planning, 2011; Notice of Accelerating the Development of Services for Elderly by the State Council, 2013). Home and community are going to be the main settings for older people to age in China as directed by policy. The current generation of older people in Chinese cities has lived through different political-economic systems from the planned economy, Work-unit system (Danwei), to “Reform and Opening-up” and the socialist market economy. Their living environments have changed tremendously along the same timeline. As they enter the later stages of their lives with declining functional and cognitive abilities, the immediate home and neighborhood environments play central roles in their everyday lives.The majority of current literature on China’s urban geography focuses on the interactions of state and market in producing China’s new urban spaces, by taking a political economy approach (He, Kong, & Lin, 2016). A number of studies focus on the social aspects of urban transformation in China, including socio-spatial segregation of housing and creation of enclaves (Li & Wu, 2008; Wu, 2005), and vulnerable groups, predominantly migrant workers and the urban poor (e.g. Liu, Li, & Breitung, 2012; He, Wu, Webster,&Liu, 2010; Wang, 2005). The older population is barely studied within China’s urban geography literature. Since Chinese cities are facing rapid aging and the current older generation has witnessed drastic urban transformation, how they are situated and experience the changes is of interest to urban geographers, environmental gerontologists, health geographers and policy makers. This study seeks to give voices to older people residing at home in Beijing, understand how they experience the changing living environments over time, and the social-spatial contexts of aging under China’s new urbanism. Our research sheds light on current aging policies, age-friendly city planning and community building in urban China.Existing studies on aging and the urban environment are mostly designed in the contexts of predetermined living environments (e.g. gated communities), and focus on identifying disadvantaged or positive environmental characteristics related to older people’s physical and mental wellbeing. Few studies actually discuss older people and various urban processes. This research starts from older people’s perspectives to determine the types of living environment that matter, based on their subjective experiences. It puts older people at the center of urban change. Based on 47 interviews with older people who resided at home, the study shows the understanding of older people and the living environment in a Chinese city is not restricted to a single dimension. The relationship shifts according to relocation experience, residential and neighborhood type. The current generation of older people has experienced both the “old” and “new” residential and social spaces; their current living situations speak to the growing social inequality in post-reform Chinese cities.This paper begins with a literature review and the empirical context of China’s urban transformation. Then the research gap is discussed. A qualitative approach is adopted based on the research questions asked. During the data analysis stage, a conceptual framework was proposed to explain the typology of living environments that matter to older people’s experience of social and built environment changes. Their perceptions of the built and social environment are illustrated according to the framework. This paper ends with discussion, study implications, and limitations.Literature review on aging and urban environmentEnvironmental gerontology focuses on the environmental aspects of aging and challenges the biological determinants of the aging process. The environment is differentiated between the built and social environments, and understood in subjective and objective terms in different studies. As Wahl and Weisman (2003) have noted, studies within this domain mainly focus on three types of environment: home environment, planned environment, and residential decisions. Theoretically, Lawton’s Ecological Theory of Aging model (1973) examines three components of aging experience: personal competence, environmental characteristics, and older people’s functional level. Behaviour is restricted or enhanced by environmental characteristics and individual functional capacity. It stresses person-environment fit and focuses more on functional aspects of the environment in assisting older people, such as maintenance, stimulation, and support (Lawton, 1989). Other researchers (e.g. Peace, Holland, & Kellaher, 2011; Smith, 2009; Wahl, Iwarsson, & Oswald, 2012) combine different models in their studies. For example, Wahl et al. (2012) incorporate Lawton’s ecology and aging theories, life span development models, addresses historical and cohort-related changes, and assume the processes of experience-driven belonging and behavior-driven agency to help better understand person-environment interchanges.Empirically when putting older people-environment relationships in an urban context, the majority of current studies are designed in the context of neighborhoods with certain distinct socioeconomic, demographic and environmental characteristics. The neighborhood environment is treated as static, in either objective or perceived forms. One group of studies identifies if objective socioeconomic characteristics attached to neighborhoods influence older people’s physical and mental well-being. For example, neighbourhoods with high crime rates, deprivation, high percentage of ethnic minority population, social disorder and their related physical and mental health risks for older people (e.g. Ross & Mirowsky, 2001; Diez Roux, Borrell, Haan, Jackson, & Schultz, 2004; Aneshensel et al., 2007; Lang et al., 2008; Beard et al., 2009.) are correlated with a poorer quality of life for older people. Deeg and Thomése (2005) discuss how the mismatch between older persons’ income and neighborhood socioeconomic status indicates poorer health. When a residential decision is made and relocation is takes place, studies have identified the motivation to move with people who have “higher order” needs (p.g.623, Wahl & Weisman, 2003) and want an improved person-environment fit (Oswald, Frank, Schilling, Oliver, Wahl, Hans Werner, & Gäng, Karin, 2002). Another group of studies mainly engages with the planning literature. Enabling characteristics or barriers related to healthy aging are identified (e.g. Bowling, Julie, Morris, & Shah, 2006; Iwarsson et al., 2007; Phillips, Siu, Yeh, & Cheng, 2005). More recently, in response to World Health Organization (WHO, 2007) initiative to create global age-friendly cities, studies have identified risks and resources regarding aging in an urban environment. Models are developed to illustrate what constitute an age-friendly community (e.g. Menec, Means, Keating, Parkhurst, & Eales, 2011). Empirical studies provide evidence of modifying aging environments, various intervention strategies for active aging and planning for age-friendly communities (e.g. Frank, Daniela, Christoph,&, & Wahl, 2011; Scharlach & Lehning, 2013). However, critics point out the lack of an evaluation of effectiveness, limited involvement of older people, and a universal checklist that overlooks diversity of cities in the “age-friendly” agenda. (Tine, Chris, & Scharf, 2012)A limited number of studies embrace aging experience and the urban environment as a changing process. When the urban environment changes, social and economic inequality often increases and disadvantaged groups are put in a more vulnerable situation. Social exclusion of older people in neighborhoods in transition is linked to urban deprivation (e.g. Judith, Nigel, & Hockey, 2012; Scharf, Phillipson, & Smith, 2005; Smith, 2009; Tine, Chris, & Scharf, 2013). Phillipson (2007) argues that significant inequality within older populations in relation to urban changes results from globalization, economic decline, gentrification, etc., leading to expanding lifestyles for some, while for others they feel increasingly alienated. In such a context, geographical gerontology provides an interdisciplinary perspective in understanding the diverse, complex and ever-changing urban environment that alters the aging process. Applying geographical approaches to gerontological research on urban environment creates possibilities of deepening knowledge of “local contextual and compositional dimensions of aging” (p.g. 1649, Andrews, Milligan, Phillips, & Skinner, 2009). For example, place of aging is understood as socially constructed that is contested, under ongoing negotiation, and expresses power relations (Wiles, 2005). Studies also stress older people’s voices and qualitative experiences in the environment (Harper & Laws, 1995; Walker & Hiller, 2007).Overall, gaps in the current literature, however, lie in at least two directions. First, more research is needed on the changes taking place in urban environments and their effects on older people’s everyday lives. Changes can be neighborhoods in transition, relocated accommodations for older people or urban housing gradually falling into disrepair. The environment is non-static and may concern more than a single dimension. Thus, a renewed interpretation of the urban environment and its context is needed as the first step towards conceptualizing environment in a functional manner. Second, empirical studies are needed for changing person-urban environment relationships in non-western contexts. As population aging is accelerated in many non-western and developing countries, it is important to provide evidence for building context-sensitive age-friendly communities. Research that fills these two gaps will also contribute to the theoretical development of geographical gerontology, by identifying the divergences and convergences of how urban environments and old age interchange in various contexts. (Skinner, Andrews, & Cutchin, 2017)Aging and China’s urban changesCompared to studies in many Western developed countries, Chinese cities have shown a more complex socio-spatial structure in the post-reform era such that urban neighborhoods can hardly be categorized by certain socioeconomic or demographic characteristics. Economic reforms have resulted in rapid changes in social organization and new social space formation. The urban environment that is relevant to the daily lives of older people needs a different conceptualization and categorization. Institutional factors play much bigger roles in deciding the living environments where older Chinese are situated, compared to those in Western countries. Current older people in China also share different values and a culture that have strong generational imprints in comparison to those cohorts who have grown up in the period of economic reform (post 1978). Thus, a new approach is required to understand aging experience and the urban environment in China when post-reform urbanism is characterized by “growing diversity, heterogeneity, and inequality” (Lin, 2007, p. 7).In the pre-reform era, Chinese cities were organized through the state Work-units (Danwei) system, along with party-state and household registration systems with public ownership and a planned economy. Danwei organized the urban population by their workplace, and provided housing, health care, and other social services for employees and their dependents. Danwei neighborhoods dominated the landscape such that urban spaces were less functionally differentiated (Gu, Wang & Liu, 2005). Since the economic reforms (such as dismantling the planned economy, reforming state-owned enterprises and the fiscal system, changes in the relations between the labour market and government, commercialization of urban residential space, land use reform, etc.), a large number of workers no longer receive welfare and social services from the public system (Chan, 1991; Lardy, 1998). “Societalization of social welfare and social service” was proposed by Ministry of Civil Affairs (Ministry of Civil Affairs, [MoCA], 2010). This policy was to encourage more actors to participate in social welfare (Guan, 2000). In this context, community became the key unit for social organization and service provision including elder care under “community construction” reform.In urban settings, community generally refers to a modified Residents’ Committee (Juweihui) that manages residents’ public affairs and other activities within a certain geographical realm. (Ministry of Civil Affairs [MoCA], 2000) Urban neighborhoods have become much less socioeconomically homogenous compared to in the pre-reform era and now people living in the same neighborhoods have different social welfare entitlements. The role of the state in urban residents’ social lives has also weakened tremendously (Huang, 2005). New structures of social space and neighborhoods have formed based on tenure types, shaped by market-oriented housing consumption, the Hukou system and Work-units. Feng, Wang, and Zhou (2009) describe the spatial pattern of population in Beijing as polycentric. Inequality in income and housing in Chinese cities is growing. (Gu et al., 2005) Changes in land use, housing tenure types, and socioeconomic status have resulted in social and residential segregations. (Li & Wu, 2008, 2013). Migrants’ enclaves in the urban fringes and urban poor living in dilapidated areas in inner-city areas have formed in post-reform China (Zhang, Zhao & Tian, 2003; He et al., 2010). The new middle class is seeking exclusive living in gated communities that suggests declining informal neighborhood interaction (Pow, 2009; Wu, 2010). The sense of community has changed due to the decline in the Work-unit model.Overall, the tradition of using measurable health outcomes and neighborhood characteristics to understand aging and environment cannot simply be applied to a Chinese context. While China’s urban processes and their socio-spatial outcomes have been studied extensively, barely any questions have been asked about how older people are situated in the process of urban transformation within the literatures on China’s urban geography. When most of the older population are going to age at home and in the community, it is both empirically and theoretically important to understand aging experience in the changing urban environment by centering their voices.MethodBeijing was chosen for the fieldwork. As the capital city, Beijing is an important case to shed light on national level policymaking. It is estimated that by 2030, 30% of its population will be over 60 years old2. (China Development Research Foundation, 2012) Reacting to rapid population aging, the “9064” strategy (Bureau of Civil Affairs of Beijing and Beijing Disabled Persons’ Federation, 2009) was announced to encourage older people to age in place. It aims for 90% of older people to age at home, 6% to age in place with government purchased community services and 4% to age in institutions by 2020.In this context, the following research questions are raised: where are older people residing in the post-reform city of Beijing? How should their living environments be approached to understand its relevance to aging in a Chinese urban context? How do older people perceive their living environments differently under urban transformation? How have person-environment relationships changed overtime?The fieldwork for this research was done in 2013 in the six urban districts of Beijing. The study used semi-structured interviews with open-ended questions. People who were 60 years old and over, residing at home and in the community, with Beijing Hukou were included in the study. The majority of the older people living in Beijing are those with Beijing Hukou. Since Hukou determines the type of social security, pension, and health care a resident receives, this study provides a methodologically more consistent analysis by excluding people without Beijing Hukou.Most of our respondents were recruited in different neighborhoods by random selection. Strategies like being in public spaces, going to special events, snowball methods, and contacting community staffs were used. The specific strategy chosen depended on the conditions of each neighborhood. Most participants were recruited in public spaces and parks in their communities. By contacting local community employees, the researcher was also able to recruit at special events and older people’s homes. Therefore, those who stayed at home most of the time were included as well. Older people already interviewed also introduced others to the researcher.Ethics approval was provided by the General Research Ethics Board (GREB) at Queen’s University, Canada. Both Letters of information and consent forms were provided before the interview. The first part of interview was about older people’s personal information including age, marital status, living arrangements, profession before retirement, income level, and basic health status. The second part of the interview included: their description of housing and neighborhood history; their description of the built and social environments in their home and community; and how they experienced aging in the changing environment described above.Data analysis was guided by the comparative methods described in Strauss and Corbin (1998). Qualitative data were coded according to indicators of categories. Categories were revealed after constantly comparing consistencies and differences in codes. Saturation was reached when no new codes were formed and relationships of categories were validated. In the end, the core categories were determined for developing a conceptual framework and explaining research questions. The interviews were done in Chinese and translated into English. Nvivo was used for data analysis. The overall sample included 47 older people. Table 1 shows some of the demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of the participants. Aging and the changing urban environment: the relationship between older people and the living environment in post-reform Beijing, ChinaAll authorsJie Yu & Mark W. Rosenberghttps://doi.org/10.1080/02723638.2019.1643172Published online:21 July 2019Table 1. Demographic and socio-economic characteristics of older interview participants.CSVDisplay Table ResultsA conceptual framework on person-environment relationshipEnvironment in this study is understood in terms of built and social environments. During the coding process, it became conceptually evident to categorize person-environment relationships by relocation experience, residential and neighborhood types (Figure 1). Residential type in this study refers to the following four groups: public rental housing, purchased public housing, new public housing, and commodity housing. Neighborhood types identified include Hutong neighborhood, mid-rises (Danwei, resettled and affordable), gated community and commuter town. Codes are categorized accordingly and compared. The following section explains the terms in detail.Aging and the changing urban environment: the relationship between older people and the living environment in post-reform Beijing, ChinaAll authorsJie Yu & Mark W. Rosenberghttps://doi.org/10.1080/02723638.2019.1643172Published online:21 July 2019Figure 1. Categorization of old person-environment relationship in Beijing, China.Display full sizeFigure 1. Categorization of old person-environment relationship in Beijing, China.First, older people interviewed can be broadly categorized into two groups: those who remained in the same dwelling and those who relocated during and after the reforms. For those who stayed in the same home, there are two residential types: public rental and purchased public housing. Housing in this category are owned or were built by Danwei or the Bureau of Housing. Older people either pay low rents or they are the owners. There are two types of neighborhood identified for those who have never moved. One is Hutong neighborhood located in the two inner rings of Beijing. The other is Danwei mid-rises. These residences are located near workplaces. All the people interviewed who live in public rental housing are living in tenements in Hutong neighborhood. With the increasingly crowded inner city and recent gentrification, the Hutong neighborhoods are mixed with poorly maintained tenement housing (Dazayuan), upgraded high-end courtyard housing (Siheyuan) and guest housing (hostels and hotels). For those who have never moved and have purchased public housing, they are living in either a Hutong neighborhood or mid-rises that were built or collectively purchased by their Danwei.In post-reform Chinese cities, a new residential type, commodity housing, is being built and this type of housing is more exclusive to people with higher incomes. Another residential category is termed “new public housing”. It refers to resettlement or affordable housing in this study. Resettlement housing is compensation for those whose residences were demolished in the process of urban renewal, or those who are eligible for a housing upgrade under preferential policies. Affordable housing is built for those with lower incomes. Four neighborhood types are identified for those who have relocated in the post-reform era: gated communities, resettled or affordable mid-rises, and commuter towns. Commuter towns are located at the margin of the urban district and mainly consist of commercial buildings owned by working age people. Some older people were relocated to commuter towns. They share similarities with gated communities and resettled housing but with some unique characteristics.It appears that older people in the same category share common themes in terms of experiences with the changing living environment. More specifically, themes generated within built environment (housing, public space, mobility and safety, accessibility) are discussed with regard to neighborhood types; themes within social environment (relationships with children, community staffs, old neighbors/Danwei colleagues and new neighbors) are discussed based on residential types (Figure 2). Older person-environment relationships are embodied in environmental features identified and mediated by older people’s residence, neighborhood and relocation experience. Where they are resided is mainly determined by institutional and familial factors. The environmental features embedded in different categories have direct impact on older people’s everyday experience while older people have limited control over the environment situated. In the context of housing and economic reforms, social isolation is experienced differently in both geographical and generational dimensions. Aging and the changing urban environment: the relationship between older people and the living environment in post-reform Beijing, ChinaAll authorsJie Yu & Mark W. Rosenberghttps://doi.org/10.1080/02723638.2019.1643172Published online:21 July 2019Figure 2. A conceptual framework for older person-environment relationship in Beijing, China.Display full sizeFigure 2. A conceptual framework for older person-environment relationship in Beijing, China.Built environmentThe perceived built environment includes housing condition, accessibility to essential facilities and public space, walkability, sanitary issues, and pollution. Themes identified by older people in different neighborhoods reflect the growing housing inequality and how older people’s everyday lives are impacted by urban changes. Findings are illustrated based on neighborhood type depicted in the framework.Hutong neighborhoodIn the traditional Hutong neighborhoods, the landscape has gone from Siheyuan to Dazayuan and to a more mixed form nowadays. Traditional Siheyuan housing has been largely destroyed since 1958. The Housing Bureau took over private housing and turned them into centralized administered rental housing for the increasing urban population. In the 1970s, with severe housing shortages, Siheyuan housing was modified to create more living space. Siheyuan housing was gradually turned into Dazayuan thereafter. Housing got worse in the 1980s when small factories were built in inner-city areas under the policy of turning Beijing into an industrial city. More people moved into the Hutong areas with self-constructed poor quality housing. After the economic reforms, urban renewal projects took place. A number of residents were resettled to new public housing. However, still a large number of people remain in the tenements. They tend to be older people, retired workers with low incomes, people on welfare and laid-off state-owned enterprise workers. They tend to have lower levels of education. Due to the low rents and city-center location, tenement rental housing became popular for migrant workers.Three themes are generated for the Hutong neighborhoods. First, certain design features embedded in the Hutong neighborhoods hinder mobility for older people with their functional declines. As age increased among the interviewees, older people found it was hard to get around. The stairs at the entrance of courtyards are high and worn out. They are icy and slippery during winter. Streets in Hutong neighborhoods are narrow but with an increasing number of vehicles. Older people have to share the narrow lanes with cars and it is a safety concern. Finally, a number of people mentioned the public bathrooms.No.16: There is no grab rail in the tenement, now I have artificial limb and we don’t have a washroom at home. I have to go all the way to the shared washroom, and this is very inconvenient.The second theme is housing quality. Dilapidated buildings are quite common in the neighborhoods because of the lack of maintenance. People who remain in this housing tend to be those who cannot afford to move either due to financial or functional inabilities.No.19: You see, there are so many cracks in the building. Look at that tree attached to my room, it grows bigger and bigger. I am worried 1 day my house will collapse. It is so cold in the winter and bad circulation in the summer. It is hard on my knees.The third theme concerns inner-city land use. As land price skyrocketed in the old city, older people felt that their spaces had been compressed and the built environment did not take into consideration the well-being of older people. They believed that land has been used solely for profit-generating purposes and there is no activity space for them. They found the only space to socialize with other neighbors was on the stairs by the courtyard. In areas with increasing dining businesses, tourists, nightlife and other entertainment, older people found it is hard to live peaceful lives.One older person who lived next to “Guijie”, the famous 24-h dining street and tourist destination, said:No. 22: We live on Guijie, with many street food stalls and bars. The whole street is unsanitary and noisy. We have lived here for a very long time and it is getting worse every day. I couldn’t sleep properly for a long time … . Normally, it only gets quieter after three or four in the morning.However, they agreed that living in the inner city provides them with better access to major hospitals. In general, the history of tenements has determined the current living environment in the Hutong neighborhoods. The city is undergoing various renewal projects. However, for those older residents who still remain, old homes have barely been upgraded or maintained for their changing needs. With land use changes and development in the inner city emphasizing economic growth, the built environments of their neighborhoods have changed greatly overlooking older residents’ needs.Danwei, resettled and affordable mid-risesPeople interviewed living in Danwei, resettled or affordable mid-rises fall into the following situations: those who resided in the same Danwei before and after the reform; those who resettled with Danwei in new collective purchased housing; those who resettled due to urban renewal projects; and those who qualified for affordable housing.For the typical Danwei, resettled or affordable mid-rises, older people interviewed were generally satisfied with their housing situation. Especially for those who were resettled from dilapidated housing, they felt grateful that the living situation had largely improved. They also thought it was much quieter compared to the Hutong neighborhoods. For some older people who experienced severe poverty in the past, they found having a place to stay was already a luxury.No. 40: I moved with my wife, she is a teacher. There was the policy of improving teachers’ housing conditions. So we got relocated to the current apartment. The housing condition has improved a lot compared to when I was in Bajiao, thanks to our government!The most reported environmental challenge older people have with this type of residence is the lack of an elevator. Construction regulations say that buildings that have seven floors or more are required to install elevators. Many of the Danwei mid-rises are six-floor buildings. Many older people were worried they would be unable to get out of their homes. No.10 talked about how after a car accident his wife could not move back home because their building did not have an elevator. Other built environmental challenges identified were sanitary issues, messiness in the stairways and lack of activity space. Some older people mentioned housing prices were increasing too fast for young people to afford housing, that their children had to move in with them. Therefore, their apartments tended to be crowded.Commuter townsSome older people interviewed were resettled to more marginal areas of the city where commuter towns are found due to the rapid expansion of the city. Older people interviewed thought the pollution was even worse compared to in the city center. They, however, also believed the apartments are more spacious than in their older dwellings in the inner city. The most common themes they discussed were the sizes of streets and the demographic structure of the areas.No.1: My older home was demolished and I was relocated here. It is further here but the apartment is more spacious. I am on first floor so I even get a garden. I am planting flowers and people love my garden in the neighborhood … . The streets are so wide here and the cars are driving fast. It is very scary to cross those intersections. The traffic light changes when I am still not half way through … .The whole area is empty in the day and most of the people living here are young people. They only come back here to sleep. We don’t have an activity center. There are no supporting facilities for older people. I guess because there are not enough older people living here?Gated communitiesOlder people are not the main purchasers in the real estate market. Older people in this category are all widowed and they moved to their children’s property in gated communities developed by real estate companies. Depending on where the housing is located, two older people found the location was not convenient for them to go to hospitals. Two of them did not find high-rise buildings comfortable as places to live.No. 46: I don’t think the new apartment is more comfortable than my old home. I was living in the courtyard in old city. It was much older housing but I get lots of sunshine. I moved here to live with my daughter.Social environmentIn terms of the social environment, the relationships mostly discussed by participants were: old neighbours, family, community staff and “newcomers” in the neighborhood. In this study, the social environment emphasizes the social network changes along with the changing urban environment. Results show that the relocation experience and their residential type mattered in how they responded to their changing social environments.Rental and purchased public housing (NM)In general, people who did not have relocation experiences retained stronger ties with their neighbors. For some people, their neighbors were also their colleagues from the Danwei housing. Old neighbors are the largest component of the social networks for most of the people. No.45 mentioned how old neighbors provided the strongest emotional support, sense of belonging and trust. At the same time, interview participants also identified the fact that people were moving out if they could afford a new place.No.16: I have strong sense of community … . Those who are well off are gradually moving out and renting out their places here. There are still some old neighbors I can chat with, but I don’t socialize with most of the new people here. I don’t trust people that easily now.As for family members, various responses were received. Some believed their children needed education on filial piety and some had satisfying relationships with their children. But most of them agreed that they could not count on their children as much as before since they face increasing work and social pressures.Most of the participants did not have a positive relationship with community staff. However, they expressed understanding for the difficult job community staff have. A small number of participants with disabilities or on welfare received special attention from the staffs.Older people and the “newcomers” in the communities barely interacted with each other. More young migrant workers started renting tenement housing due to its cheap rent and closeness to jobs. Some participants mentioned how they had very distinct lifestyles and schedules, which often conflicted with theirs. Renters were often depicted as “out-of-towners”. No.16 described how fewer neighbors were native Beijingers and the communication barriers are obvious between the native Beijinger and the young “out-of-towners”.Relocated new public housing (PRR)For those older people who live in relocated new public housing, their perceptions of neighbors varied based on if they were relocated with their old neighbors or Danwei. In general, older people who live in new public housing showed strong attachment to their old neighborhood relationships. They expressed the loss of trust and sense of security in the new environment.No.1: I miss my old neighbors in my old neighborhood… . They are all my old colleagues and we trusted each other. We greeted and helped each other often. I’ve lived here long enough but we simply don’t talk much. I don’t feel at ease here because there are thefts and even a murder once in the neighborhood. I am wary of my surroundings.For those who were relocated with their old neighbors or Danwei, they showed stronger ties with neighbors compared to others. One participant was taking an older woman in a wheelchair for a walk:No.32: We used to be neighbors in our old houses and now we relocated together to the commuter town. My wife is taking care of our grandson now that I don’t have much to do at home. So I take her out for a walk every day. There are mostly young people living here and we don’t communicate with them. We happened to live next door again after relocation and we take care of each other.Another participant was relocated with Danwei:No.5: I moved here in 1988 and I feel attached to my neighborhood. Most of my neighbors are old comrades from Danwei, we always help each other out. When I have any difficulty, I will talk to my colleagues for solutions. We have cultural activities so we often get together.In discussing their relationships with family members, they generally showed understanding for the lack of care from their children because of the social pressures on the younger generation; and in a number of cases, their adult children are living with them because of the high rent and housing prices in Beijing.No.2: My children are very busy, I understand. I don’t count on them as much. They even need my care. They work very hard out there …Interview participants showed high levels of dissatisfaction with the community staff and the “disconnected” relationships with them. They believed unlike the old days when the interaction with the local government or Danwei was for the good of the people; now it is about profit-driven activities.No.3: Community staffs treat their work as purely a job instead of the undertakings of serving people. There is no emotion and passion. It is unlike the old relationships of the party and the masses. They just want to get the task done. I have no idea who they are. Instead, we connect more with property management when things are broken at home.Some participants believed place matters in terms of relationships with the community. They thought since they had been relocated out of the old city, community construction was less grounded compared to in the city center.No.1: Here is not like the old city, community construction is falling behind. They don’t have the basic publicity, not to mention others. We don’t interact with them … . Maybe here there is a great number of floating population and they don’t know who the old folks are. I don’t see any action from them.For those who were relocated with their Danwei, they felt indifferent about the community and community staff.No.38: Our Danwei takes good care of us retirees. I don’t care if community staff takes care of me or not … . Our Danwei has a Retirees’ Division that is responsible for our retirement needs and I am very happy with what they offer to us.Older people who resided in new public housing also discussed their relationships with newcomers. They were generally suspicious of the constantly changing renters and other people in the neighborhood such as salespeople. They believed the high mobility of people made them less likely to trust the newcomers.No.2: People move in and out, I don’t know who lives here. Things get stolen if you are careless, not like when we were in a courtyard, nobody steals no matter where we left our belongings. I lost a case of stuffs once, I am too afraid to tell my partner … . I am always alert.Commodity housing (PRR)For the four participants who live in commodity housing, their social networks have shifted greatly. Their families have taken over most of their social lives instead of neighbors from their old communities. They generally felt satisfied with filial piety of their children. The relationship with community staff is very weak.No.23: I live with my daughter and son-in-law and they are both very filial to me … . I listen to them about everything and I have no worries. Look my shoes and cloths, my children bought them for me. I don’t even have to cook and do grocery. I also have very good relationship with my daughters-in-law. My children support me financially and I give my pension to them as well. My grandchildren are now in college or have started working. They are all doing very well. I eat and sleep well because I have a happy family.Conclusion and discussion: environmental changes and challenges for older peopleThe above findings show relocation experience, residential and neighborhood type matter in how older people perceive their living environments. Residential and neighborhood types speak to individual socioeconomic status, post-reform circumstances, and growing social inequality. For people who have no relocation experience and continue living in a Hutong neighborhood, they face more built environment challenges while they show stronger ties with neighbors and community staffs. Whether they are renting or have purchased their current housing, differences in their perceived environment do not show. Housing quality is declining drastically with time and lack of maintenance. As “neighborhood keepers” (Phillipson et al., 1999), they experience shrinking public space due to the soaring land values and various land investments. A variety of retailing, dining, entertainment and tourism functions have emerged that changed the landscape of many Hutong neighborhoods. As housing reforms have resulted in new residential spaces and improved housing conditions for many; the ongoing housing reforms have ignored tenement housing. They are occupied mostly by people who are frail and with low socioeconomic status. The design features of tenement courtyard living, such as public washrooms, can hardly meet the needs of older people in a modern society, considering their declining mobility. By remaining in the same neighborhood, older people enjoy familiar social networks with old neighbors. At the same time, more old neighbors are moving out and a growing number of migrant workers or “out-of-towners” are renting in the tenements due to the location and cheap rent. Misunderstandings are common between the groups.People who have relocated to new public housing enjoy improved housing conditions while they feel strong nostalgia for their old neighborhood relations. Urbanization has resulted in fast population growth. Unless they were relocated with their older neighbors or co-workers, they are generally skeptical about their social environment due to the transient nature of the residents. They are also disconnected from the community staff, except for those who still have Danwei taking care of them. Some of them have their adult children’s families co-residing, due to the high rents and property prices they cannot afford. This makes their apartments crowded. The biggest built environment barrier for this type of residence is no elevator. Other environmental problems older people identified, especially those who live in affordable housing, were sanitary conditions and the messiness of the hallways. For those who were relocated to commuter town housing, they expressed concerns about pollution, traffic and crossing the wide streets. As a generation whose social networks are rooted in their geographically immediate places such as neighborhoods and Danwei, the current living arrangement has weakened their abilities to maintain a familiar social environment.Older people living in commodity housing enjoy more modern dwellings but still felt uneasy sometimes, because of the high-rises and their locations. They felt especially disconnected with people other than their children with whom they were co-residing. However, they all were extremely content with their children’s filial piety. This is different from those who reside in other types of housing that felt estranged from their children who are under various social pressures.Chinese cities have shifted from a more egalitarian society to a socio-spatially diverse society. This study contributes to the literature on China’s urbanism by examining how the older age group experience urban space. It identifies the different types of housing and neighborhoods where older people reside in the city of Beijing. It also shows how inequality and social segregation for the older generation are embedded in housing and residential space. Some are isolated by economic and housing reforms, others by drastic social environmental changes. Both geographical and generational marginalization of older people emerged in our study. Growing intergenerational gaps are reflected in urban changes. As older people become more isolated, they often have no choice but to remain in their old homes. Although market forces, growing personal wealth and purchasing power have transformed the housing scene in Chinese cities, studies have stressed the institutional determinants of housing differentiation and consumption (He et al., 2010; Li, Hou, Chen, & Zhou, 2010). For the current older generation in Beijing, their living situations are predominantly determined by institutional factors, influenced by urban planning and various policies. Unlike the younger generation, they are not active consumers in the housing market, whether due to financial incapability, functional decline, limited access to information, or lack of familiarity with a market economy and its rules. Besides institutional factors, children also have great influence on where older people reside. Children’s socioeconomic status, geographical proximity, and filial piety can determine their older parents’ housing conditions, environmental situation, and their well-being. In general, older people do not have strong say in where to age in the drastically changing urban environment and have shown difficulty adapting at different levels.When compared to findings from previous studies, the understanding of aging and the urban environment in a Chinese context is complex and concerns multiple dimensions of time and space. Current urban neighborhoods in China are more heterogeneous in nature and require a new conceptualization. The study finds the perception of the built environment is tied to neighborhood types while the social environment also concerns residential type and relocation experience. Social isolation does not necessarily relate to neighborhood deprivation. Older Chinese who ended up in modern commercial housing also share the feelings of isolation and strong nostalgia for their old social environment. Unlike common determinants of competence level, socioeconomic status, and functions of environment, institutional factors such as previous Danwei profession, children’s socioeconomic status and filial piety matter greatly in the kinds of environments older people are situated in and how they perceive them. Thus, older people’s interaction with their living environment is a rather passive process compared to what is found in many Western studies. Older people may feel powerless in an environment that is forced, unfamiliar, prioritizes economic growth and the needs of certain groups of people. This study recognizes person-environment relationships that are constantly changing, multi-dimensional and concerns generational biography.A limitation of this study is that older people who did not have Beijing Hukou were not recruited for interviews. In China, people who live in a city but do not have Hukou in that city are commonly referred to as the “floating population”. As part of the floating population, they have different health insurance, social security, and must find their own housing. How the transformation of Chinese cities is affecting the lives of the older floating population is likely to be even more extreme than what has been presented in our study.As Chinese cities continue to age, current and future urban planning, neighborhood design and community building should incorporate older people’s perspectives and consider their needs. Older people are exposed to more risks with their declining health. They face various restrictions in mobility and obstacles in social reengagement. The immediate environment of home and community is essential for their daily activities and well-being. Initiatives should include housing upgrades, built environment improvements such as walkways and handrails, promoting social cohesion and providing a familiar way for social interaction.Recent urban planning has continued to give attention to the livability of the city, including housing upgrades, urban renewal, and ecological environment improvement. The latest General City Plan for Beijing (2016–2035) responds to many environmental issues also identified in this study. For Hutong neighborhoods, policies include renovating traditional housing and back alleys, constructing public space and green space, stricter management of Hutong tourism, improving walkability, promoting private toilets, and restoring traditional Beijing Hutong culture. In old neighborhoods with mid-rises, the new planning encourages installing elevators, building ramps and accessible facilities, improving property management of public rental housing, etc. Other policies also include “Opening gate” in gated communities, improving public transport for commuter towns and constructing new hospitals outside the city center. (People's Government of Beijing Municipality, 2017) Compared to the previous round of the General City Plan for Beijing (2004–2020),(People's Government of Beijing Municipality, 2005) the new city plans give more attention to concrete plans. The real issue now is the effectiveness of its implementation. It concerns who should be conducting and responsible for the construction, especially when the last round of the plan was far from complete in its implementation. Many problems remain, especially for vulnerable groups such as low-income older people living in dilapidated housing. Another major difference in the new city plan is it uses the term “old city” renewal to replace “dilapidated city” renewal, emphasizing the importance of restoring traditional cultural values in Hutong neighborhoods.Reflecting on the findings of this study, current policies give insufficient estimation to a rapidly aging society and there is a lack of policies on recreating an engaging social environment for older people. On a population level, the new plan states the need to reduce population density without giving enough consideration to the changing demographic structure. It plans to increase bed numbers in institutional care facilities and expand the overall service provision without many specific measures. At the same time, the new plan keeps the ‘9064ʹ strategy for the next two decades. In the context that 96% of older people are going to age at home and in community, the policy should focus more on older people’s everyday experience and their living environment. The new plan has targeted important issues on the built environment but does not pay enough attention to the social environment. It is equally important how planners and policy makers encourage intergenerational interaction, reconstruct sense of belonging and facilitate effective community management for older people in this changing urban environment. Old neighbors and children play critical roles in emotional support for older people. Policies could give choices to older people for relocating with old neighbors and providing favorable conditions for working children to attend their older parents. One of the key messages in the new plan is the preservation of local history and cultural value in old neighborhoods. This study finds cultural and intergenerational gaps in those neighborhoods create tensions between older residents and newcomers, thus lead to a sense of insecurity. Equal attention should be given to the changing nature of social structure and culture, especially in low-income neighborhoods. As an old Chinese saying goes “A close neighbor is better than a distant relative”, it requires emerging policy to focus on social reintegration and age-friendly community building. On a macro level, urban planning should also prevent deepening social inequality and segregation originated from housing and neighborhood stratification. It requires efforts at both the conceptual and implementation levels.Overall, social stability is highly determined by how a society reacts to changes in its population structure and the transformation of its largest cities. As long as current policies encourage aging in place, it is important to improve the basic housing situations, create an effective way for social reintegration, and engage older people in building age-friendly communities and society; this encourages older people to age well at home and in the community.Table 1. Demographic and socio-economic characteristics of older interview participants. %No. %No.Gender Income (Chinese Yuan) Male4923 0–27732311 Female5124 2773–37706028 Other00 3770 and above178Age No. of Children 60–69199 094 70–794320 1157 80 and above3818 23215 33014Marital Status 4 or more157 Married5727 Living together00No. of People per Household Widow(er)4320 1199 Separated/divorced00 24320 Never married00 3136 4199Education 5 or more63 Primary School115 Elementary School2311Residential Type High School3215 Public Rental Housing178 College178 Purchased Public Housing178 Bachelor or above94 New Public Housing5727 Never went to school94 Commodity Housing94Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1. In official Chinese documents, the term community is consistently used to mean small geographic areas within cities where street offices and residence committees are the legal entities for organizing the communities.2. In China, people who are 60 years old and over are considered the elderly by Chinese law.ReferencesAndrews, Gavin J., Milligan, Christine, Phillips, David R., & Skinner, Mark W. (2009). Geographical gerontology: Mapping a disciplinary intersection. Geography Compass, 3(5), 1641–1659. [Crossref], [Google Scholar]Aneshensel, Carol S., Wight, Richard G., Dana., Miller-Martinez, Botticello, Amanda L., Karlamangla, Arun S., & Seeman, Teresa E. (2007). Urban neighborhoods and depressive symptoms among older adults. The Journals of Gerontology Series B: Psychological Sciences and Social Sciences, 62(1), 52–59. [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Beard, John R., Magda., Cerdá, Shannon., Blaney, Jennifer., Ahern, David.,&, Vlahov, & Galea, Sandro. (2009). Neighborhood characteristics and change in depressive symptoms among older residents of New York City. American Journal of Public Health, 99(7), 1308–1314. [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]People's Government of Beijing Municipality. (2005). General city plan for Beijing (2004–2020). [Google Scholar]People's Government of Beijing Municipality. (2017). General city plan for Beijing (2016–2035). [Google Scholar]Bowling, Ann, Barber, Julie, Morris, Richard, & Shah., Ebrahim. (2006). Do perceptions of neighbourhood environment influence health? Baseline findings from a British survey of aging. Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health, 60(6), 476–483. [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Buffel, Tine, Phillipson, Chris, & Scharf, Thoma. (2012). Ageing in urban environments: Developing ‘age-friendly’cities. Critical Social Policy, 32(4), 597–617. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Buffel, Tine., Phillipson,Chris, & Scharf, Thomas. (2013). Experiences of neighbourhood exclusion and inclusion among older people living in deprived inner-city areas in Belgium and England. Ageing and Society, 33(01), 89–109. [Crossref], [Google Scholar]Bureau of Civil Affairs of Beijing & Beijing Disabled Persons’ Federation. (2009). Home old-age services for Beijing residents. [Google Scholar]Chan, Kam Wing. (1991). Chinese urban reform: What model now? Edited by Kwok, R. Yin-Wang, Parish, William L. and Yeh, Anthony Gar-On, with Xu, Xueqian. Armonk, New York: ME Sharpe, Inc. The China Quarterly, 128, 848–849. [Crossref], [Google Scholar]China Development Research Foundation (2012) 2012 Beijing Aging Industry Report [Google Scholar]Deeg, Dorly JH, & Thomése, Fleur GC. (2005). Discrepancies between personal income and neighbourhood status: Effects on physical and mental health. European Journal of Ageing, 2(2), 98–108. [Crossref], [PubMed], [Google Scholar]Feng, Jian., Wang, Fahui, & Zhou, Yixing. (2009). The spatial restructuring of population in metropolitan Beijing: Toward polycentricity in the post-reform era. Urban Geography, 30(7), 779–802. [Taylor & Francis Online], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Gu, Chaolin, Wang, Fahui, & Liu, Guili. (2005). The structure of social space in Beijing in 1998: A socialist city in transition. Urban Geography, 26(2), 167–192. [Taylor & Francis Online], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Guan, Xinping. (2000). China’s social policy: Reform and development in the context of marketization and globalization. Social Policy &Administration, 34(1), 115–130. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Harper, Sarah, & Glenda, Laws (1995). Rethinking the geography of ageing. Progress in Human Geography, 19(2), 199–221. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]He, Shenjing., Kong, Lily., & Lin, George C. S. (2016). Interpreting China’s new urban spaces: State, market, and society in action. Urban Geography, 38(5), 635–642. [Taylor & Francis Online], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]He, Shenjing, Wu, Fulong, Webster, Chris, & Liu, Yuting. (2010). Poverty concentration and determinants in China’s urban low-income neighbourhoods and social groups. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 34(2), 328–349. [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Huang, Youqing. (2005). From work-unit compounds to gated communities: Housing inequality and residential segregation in transitional Beijing. In Laurence. J. C. Ma & Fulong Wu (Eds.), Restructuring the Chinese city (pp. 192–222). London, UK and New York, NY: Routledge. [Crossref], [Google Scholar]Iwarsson, Susanne., Wahl, Hans-Werner., Nygren, Carita., Oswald, Frank., Sixsmith, Andrew, Sixsmith, Judith., … Tomsone, Signe. (2007). Importance of the home environment for healthy aging: Conceptual and methodological background of the European ENABLE–AGE Project. The Gerontologist, 47(1), 78–84. [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Lang, Iain A., Llewellyn, David J., Langa, Kenneth M., Wallace, Robert B., Huppert, Felicia A., & Melzer, David. (2008). Neighborhood deprivation, individual socioeconomic status, and cognitive function in older people: Analyses from the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing. Journal of the American Geriatrics Society, 56(2), 191–198. [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Lardy, Nicholas R. (1998). China’s unfinished economic revolution. Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press. [Google Scholar]Lawton, M. Powell. (1989). Environmental proactivity and affect in older people. In S. Spacapan & S. Oskamp (Eds.), Claremont symposium on applied social psychology. The social psychology of aging (pp. 135–163). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, Inc. [Google Scholar]Lawton, M. Powell, & Nahemow, Lucille. (1973). Ecology and the aging process. In CE Eisdorfer. & MPL Lawton. (Eds.), The psychology of adult development and aging (pp. 619–674). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. [Crossref], [Google Scholar]Li, Si-ming, Hou, Quan, Chen, Susu., & Zhou, Chunshan. (2010). Work, home, and market: The social transformation of housing space in Guangzhou, China. Urban Geography, 31(4), 434–452. [Taylor & Francis Online], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Li, Zhigang, & Wu, Fulong. (2008). Tenure‐based residential segregation in post‐reform Chinese cities: A case study of Shanghai. Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 33(3), 404–419. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Li, Zhigang, & Wu, Fulong. (2013). Residential satisfaction in China’s informal settlements: A case study of Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou. Urban Geography, 34(7), 923–949. [Taylor & Francis Online], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Lin, George CS. (2007). Chinese urbanism in question: State, society, and the reproduction of urban spaces. Urban Geography, 28(1), 7–29. [Taylor & Francis Online], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Liu, Ye, Li, Zhigang., & Breitung, Werner. (2012). The social networks of new-generation migrants in China’s urbanized villages: A case study of Guangzhou. Habitat International, 36(1), 192–200. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Menec, Verena H., Means, Robin, Keating, Norah, Parkhurst, Graham, & Eales, Jacquie. (2011). Conceptualizing age-friendly communities. Canadian Journal on Aging/La Revue Canadienne Du Vieillissement, 30(3), 479–493. [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Ministry of Civil Affairs (MoCA). (2000). Document No.23, “Suggestion on Urban Community Construction in the Nation”. Accessed October. 26, 2016. In Chinese. [Google Scholar]Ministry of Civil Affairs (MoCA). (2010). No.37 “Measures for the administration of “five guarantee” service institutions in rural areas”. (In Chinese). Retrieved from http://www.mca.gov.cn/article/gk/fg/shjz/201507/20150700848489.shtml [Google Scholar]Oswald, Frank, Schilling, Oliver, Wahl, Hans Werner., & Gäng, Karin. (2002). Trouble in paradise? Reasons to relocate and objective environmental changes among well-off older adults. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 22(3), 273–288. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Oswald, Frank, Jopp, Daniela, Christoph.,&, Rott, & Wahl, Hans-Werner. (2011). Is aging in place a resource for or risk to life satisfaction? The Gerontologist, 51(2), 238–250. [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Peace, Sheila, Holland, Caroline, & Kellaher, Leonie. (2011). ‘Option recognition’in later life: Variations in ageing in place. Ageing & Society, 31(5), 734–757. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Phillips, Judith, Walford, Nigel, & Hockey, Anne. (2012). How do unfamiliar environments convey meaning to older people? Urban dimensions of placelessness and attachment. International Journal Ot6f Ageing and Later Life, 6(2), 73–102. [Crossref], [Google Scholar]Phillips, David. R., Siu, Oi-ling, Yeh, Anthony.G.O, & Cheng, Kevin.H.C. (2005). Ageing and the urban environment. In Gavin. J. Andrews & David. R. Phillips (Eds.), Ageing and Place (pp. 147–163). London: Routledge. [Google Scholar]Phillipson, Chris. (2007). The ‘elected’ and the ‘excluded’: Sociological perspectives on the experience of place and community in old age. Ageing and Society, 27(3), 321–342. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Phillipson, C., Bernard, M., Phillips, J., & Ogg, J. (1999). Older people's experiences of community life: Patterns of neighbouring in three urban areas. The Sociological Review, 47(4), 715–743. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Pow, Choon-Piew. (2009). Gated communities in China: Class, privilege and the moral politics of the good life. New York: Routledge. [Crossref], [Google Scholar]Ross, Catherine E., & Mirowsky, John. (2001). Neighborhood disadvantage, disorder, and health. Journal of Health and Social Behaviour, 42(3), 258–276. [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Roux, Ana V. Diez, Borrell, Luisa N., Haan, M., Jackson, Sharon A, & Schultz, Richard. (2004). Neighbourhood environments and mortality in an elderly cohort: Results from the cardiovascular health study. Journal of Epidemiology & Community Health, 58(11), 917–923. [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Scharf, Thomas, Phillipson, Chris, & Smith, Allison E. (2005). Social exclusion of older people in deprived urban communities of England. European Journal of Ageing, 2(2), 76–87. [Crossref], [PubMed], [Google Scholar]Scharlach, Andrew E., & Lehning, Amanda J. (2013). Ageing-friendly communities and social inclusion in the United States of America. Ageing & Society, 33(1), 110–136. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Skinner, Mark W., Andrews, Gavin J., & Cutchin, Malcolm P. (eds). (2017). Geographical gerontology: Perspectives, concepts, approaches. London: Routledge. [Crossref], [Google Scholar]Smith, Allison E. (2009). Ageing in urban neighbourhoods: Place attachment and social exclusion. Bristol,UK: Policy press. [Crossref], [Google Scholar]State Council of People’s Republic of China. (2013). Document No.35, notice of accelerating the development of services for elderly by the state council, Beijing, translated by author. [Google Scholar]Strauss, Anselm, & Corbin, Juliet. (1998). Basics of qualitative research: Procedures and techniques for developing grounded theory. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. [Google Scholar]Wahl, Hans-Werner., Iwarsson, Susanne.&, & Oswald, Frank. (2012). Aging well and the environment: Toward an integrative model and research agenda for the future. The Gerontologist, 52(3), 1–11. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Wahl, Hans-Werner, & Weisman, Gerald D. (2003). Environmental gerontology at the beginning of the new millennium: Reflections on its historical, empirical, and theoretical development. The Gerontologist, 43(5), 616–627. [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Walker, Ruth B., & Hiller, Janet E. (2007). Places and health: A qualitative study to explore how older women living alone perceive the social and physical dimensions of their neighbourhoods. Social Science & Medicine, 65(6), 1154–1165. [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Wang, Ya Ping. (2005). Low-income communities and urban poverty in China. Urban Geography, 26(3), 222–242. [Taylor & Francis Online], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Wiles, Janine. (2005). Conceptualizing place in the care of older people: The contributions of geographical gerontology. Journal of Clinical Nursing, 14(8B), 100–108. [Crossref], [PubMed], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]World Health Organization. (2007). Global age-friendly cities: A guide. Geneva, Switzerland. [Google Scholar]Wu, Fulong. (2005). Guest editorial – The city of transition and the transition of cities. Urban Geography, 26(2), 100–106. [Taylor & Francis Online], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Wu, Fulong. (2010). Gated and packaged suburbia: Packaging and branding Chinese suburban residential development. Cities, 27(5), 385–396. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]Zhang, Li, Zhao, Simon XB., & Tian, Jie P. (2003). Self‐help in housing and chengzhongcun in China’s urbanization. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 27(4), 912–937. [Crossref], [Web of Science ®], [Google Scholar]