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作者

Yannis Tzaninis

来源

URBAN GEOGRAPHY,Vol.41,Issue1,P.143-161

语言

英文

关键字

Cosmopolitanism,postsuburbs,migration,youth,precarity

作者单位

Department of Sociology, University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam, The Netherlands

摘要

Cosmopolitanism has been, and largely still is, understood as a phenomenon exclusive to the city, while the periphery is traditionally identified with lack of diversity. Meanwhile, cosmopolitanism is broadly assumed to be an attitude primarily represented by liberal elites. This paper challenges these binary conceptions by focusing on the existence of cosmopolitanism together with (migrant) youth precarity in (post)suburbia. Based on research in a post-suburban New Town in the Netherlands, the paper looks beyond the bias of strictly “city” perspectives on cosmopolitanism, and investigates the experiences of young migrants who find themselves in a (post)suburban environment. The case is Almere, 30km east of Amsterdam, a place that has rapidly diversified in the past two decades. Based on interviews with young migrants who moved recently to Almere, the paper focuses on their experiences and everyday struggles. The analysis ultimately alludes to post-suburban cosmopolitanisms, coupled with potentially precarious circumstances.KEYWORDS: CosmopolitanismpostsuburbsmigrationyouthprecarityCosmos and polisThe word “cosmopolitan” is composed of the ancient Greek cosmos, meaning world, and polites, meaning citizen. It generally refers to an individual who is a “citizen of the world”, someone who may identify in one way or another with “boundarylessness”; “an everyday, historically alert, reflexive awareness of ambivalences in a milieu of blurring differentiations” (Beck, 2006, p. 3). Despite its ancient origins the term was popularized around the 18th century, and has been gaining attention in recent academic debates (Anderson, 2004; Brown & Held, 2010; Delanty, 2012; Kendall, Woodward, & Skrbis, 2009; Landau & Freemantle, 2010; Noble, 2013; Vertovec & Cohen, 2002). In their seminal book, editors Vertovec and Cohen (2002, p. 9) argued that cosmopolitanism was generally re-emerging and becoming understood in multiple ways by scholars: as a condition, a political project, a worldview, an attitude or a practice. Drawing from the plethora of critical scholarship on cosmopolitanism, Vertovec and Cohen (2002) acknowledged especially the attempts to go beyond the simplistic “globetrotting bourgeois” images, while urging scholars to look for “recipes” that can foster cosmopolitanism (p. 20).What most discussions of cosmopolitanism overwhelmingly share nonetheless, implicitly or explicitly, is an exclusively “city” perspective when analyzing the concept (polis after all literally means city). Angelo and Wachsmuth (2015) broadly criticize such “methodological cityism” which “refer[s] to an analytical privileging, isolation and perhaps naturalization of the city in studies of urban processes where the non-city may also be significant” (2015, p. 20). The authors claim thus that an urban studies “that is (city) site rather than (urban) process focused thus risks ignoring much of what is distinctive about the contemporary urban world” (2014, p. 23). In this paper I similarly wish to challenge the bias that takes urbanity, and more precisely “cityness”, for granted (Amin & Thrift, 2002; Sennett, 2002), and explore whether it is a prerequisite for cosmopolitanism. To do this I draw from Brenner and Schmid (2014, p. 19) who argue against taking the urban as a “pregiven, self-evident reality” and who consequently criticize most urban scholarship that interprets the non-urban realm simply as “an empty field, as an indeterminate outside that serves to demarcate the urban condition from its purportedly exurban or rural ‘other’” while focusing mainly on “agglomerations” and “densely settled zones” (p. 20). Instead, their thesis is that urbanization involves not only concentration but also “extension”, what they call “extended urbanization” (p. 21). This conceptualization provides the “un-city” perspective that I employ here, namely the post-suburb.1 Above all I inquire Keil’s proposal (2018a, p. 3) to go beyond traditional understandings of central-peripheral urban dialectics since “much of the peripheral growth, its changing form, cannot be linked back directly to the center as the driving force but must instead be seen as developing a certain dynamic of its own”. In particular I challenge the methodological cityism commonly employed by urban scholars on questions of cosmopolitanism and I push beyond the boundaries of the traditional city as a fixed, essential unit of analysis on such questions, studying suburbanization and suburbanism empirically. As Keil argues: Suburbs, peripheries, peri-urban areas are not dangling dependently off the “urban” center anymore but are driving processes of fusion and fragmentation in and beyond their territory themselves … The emancipatory potential of the urban planet lies in fact in the periphery (2018b, p. 6).In this paper I refrain from using cosmopolitanism either as a normative or descriptive concept (Mayaram, 2009) but rather employ it as an assemblage of practice and parlance that can be flexible and open to different contexts. In that sense I define cosmopolitanism simply as the presence and everyday life of young, international migrants in a post-suburban environment. Such a definition goes beyond elite-related, urban-centered analyses, and is similar to Datta’s (2013) “mundane” or “everyday cosmopolitanism” as “situated and strategic practices of transaction” (Noble, 2009, p. 46). In particular, I employ cosmopolitanism as discursive social practice in context (Müller, 2011) and as a lens to interrogate how difference is treated (Young, Diep, & Drabble, 2006). I draw inspiration from unexpected and “unrecognized” cosmopolitanisms such as in Cheshire and colleagues’ analysis of “ordinary and everyday cosmopolitan repertoires and sentiments” among farmers (2014), and Datta’s (2012) discussion of cosmopolitanism in a Delhi slum. Kothari (2008) similarly challenges the cosmopolitan-parochial dichotomy by showing how Bangladeshi and Senegalese migrants (“peddlers”) in Barcelona are both rooted and mobile. More generally, Harvey (2000, p. 560) emphasizes the importance of understanding cosmopolitanism through historical-geographical analyses: “The cosmopolitan point is, then, not to flee geography but to integrate and socialize it. The geographical point is not to reject cosmopolitanism but to ground it in a dynamics of historical-geographical transformations.”My inquiry is whether the international young migrant presence in post-suburbia should be seen as irregularity or exception, or instead, if and how it reflects how inner-cities have become socio-economically exclusionary and how insecure labor can be in late capitalism. In parallel by discussing the nuances of an empirical case I explore whether the periphery in general possesses the transformative power that Keil (2018b) describes. As such this manifestation of cosmopolitanism signifies a different perspective to understand contemporary urbanization, one that emphasizes openness and continuity that we find in Simone’s “cityness” (2010) or Lepawsky et al’s (2015) “site multiple” or Keil’s “Suburban Planet” (2017). The aim here is to contribute to the discussions about contemporary cosmopolitanism in the context of international mobility and about post-suburbia through the eyes of those who are mobile and (potentially) precarious. The role of cosmopolitanism is to help us problematize the urban condition by providing a rather provocative take on a seemingly straightforward question: is urban space conducive to the presence of cosmopolitanism?In the sections that follow, I first elaborate on the state of the art regarding the post-suburban concept. Subsequently I describe the case (Almere) and the methods of the paper, followed by a discussion on the current state of (migrant) youth, diversity and suburbs. Next, I present the empirical findings of my research in Almere, based on the ethnography and interviews, which are then synthesized into a discussion section. I conclude with the wider implications of my findings in light of the theoretical discussion and propose avenues for future research on cosmopolitanism and the urban-suburban dichotomy.Post-suburbsThe current diversification of suburbs has partly emerged due to processes of succession associated with the mobility trajectories of older residents, but also as first entry points for international newcomers, contrary to earlier, typically urban, migrant trajectories. One of the types that describe the internationalization process of suburbia is the “ethnoburb” (Li, 1998a), otherwise understood as a suburban ethnic enclave. Li manages to show the diversity of such settlements (1998b), and the cosmopolitan mentality within them (1998a). Nonetheless she emphasizes primarily (economic) integration issues, while generally overlooking the everyday experiences of the migrants. Moreover, the concept ethnoburb seems to fit especially the North-American context, given the region’s laissez-faire approach in ethnic community building. On the contrary migration and urban policies in Northern Europe have tended to focus on deterring the emergence of ethnic enclaves (Musterd, 2005). In any case suburbia itself seems to have very much become a potentially cosmopolitan space some time ago (Kling, Olin, & Poster, 1995), a phenomenon acknowledged recently as well by Phelps, Wood, and Valler (2010).The dichotomy of urban/non-urban spaces is increasingly becoming less accurate when describing settlements due to the sub/urban being pervasive on a global scale, what Brenner and Schmid (2011) call planetary urbanization, and Keil (2017) implies as planetary suburbanization. For this paper I explore a “post-suburban” space, a term signifying the contemporary era after the archetypical suburbia (Charmes & Keil, 2015; Phelps & Wood, 2011; Phelps et al., 2010). Post-suburbia calls for approaches beyond the common city/suburb dichotomies that often lack a deeper, qualitative understanding of the meanings of how the contemporary relationship between city and the (post)suburb has evolved and is evolving. Moreover, while famous cities like Amsterdam have been excessively researched, seemingly “ordinary” (post-suburban) places are generally absent from urban geography literature. Hence, in order to grasp the nuances of the presence of cosmopolitanism in post-suburbia, in this paper I focus on Almere, a modernist 1970s New Town, originally designed as a satellite to Amsterdam. Accordingly I employ a flexible, open lens which views post-suburban space as a process of non-central, diversified growth in a global context of interconnected settlements. Consequently I examine the migrants’ aspirations when moving and their living experiences vis-à-vis their previous (and subsequent) places of residence. Suburbanism is thus understood as a way of life that is “distinct, yet inseparable” from urbanism (Walks, 2013, p. 1472).Almere and international mobilityThe city of Almere, 30km east of Amsterdam (Figure 1), was designed as a planned, modernist settlement in the 1970s to counter the post-WWII expansion of Amsterdam (Bontje, 2003). Inspired by the Garden City movement, the new town of Almere (among other towns in the Amsterdam metropolitan region) was intended to accommodate former residents of Amsterdam who sought an alternative place to live instead of the intensely urbanized capital (Constandse, 1989; Jantzen & Vetner, 2008). As such, Almere has not been unlike other new towns in Europe which tend to function as suburbs/satellites of larger urban areas. For instance the new towns found around London are rather like suburban settlements that tend to be “London-oriented” (Phelps, Mace, & Jodieri, 2017, p. 196). Almere in fact tends to have both self-contained and outward-looking characteristics (Tzaninis & Boterman, 2018).Cosmopolitanism beyond the city: discourses and experiences of young migrants in post-suburban NetherlandsAll authorsYannis Tzaninis https://doi.org/10.1080/02723638.2019.1637212Published online:02 July 2019Figure 1. Amsterdam metropolitan area map, © OpenStreetMap contributors, 11/2017. Retrieved from http://www.openstreetmap.org/.Display full sizeFigure 1. Amsterdam metropolitan area map, © OpenStreetMap contributors, 11/2017. Retrieved from http://www.openstreetmap.org/.In most respects Almere initially was a suburb of Amsterdam, retaining the characteristics of new towns, namely the design for decongestion and “concentrated deconcentration” (Bontje, 2003), meaning that growth was to be controlled through the development of several centers. By discouraging suburban sprawl, a “poly-nuclear” settlement was introduced to offer its residents small-scale communities separated by green belts (Constandse, 1989). Almere’s character has fluctuated over the past few decades between the typical suburbia of houses, picket fences and garages, and the new urbanity of experimental architecture, focus on consumerism and “smart growth”. Even though Almere is still often-times described as a satellite to Amsterdam, nowadays it is impossible to mistake it for an Amsterdam suburb, even among international migrants, considering especially that it has been heavily marketed, the municipality using titles such as “Almere 2.0” and emphasizing its international character. Parallel to having robust economic activity, the town is still physically expanding through new construction, but its formerly rapid population growth has abated, and the newcomers are not only the typically suburban family households anymore but a rather diverse population, consisting of many single households (Tzaninis & Boterman, 2018). Currently more than 40% of Almere’s residents have some familial connection originating from outside the Netherlands (Figures 2 and 3). Even electorally, despite Almere’s notoriety for its considerable PVV2 electorate the past few years, there is a rising electoral fragmentation and in the 2018 municipal election the PVV came only third. All these transformations and diversifications question Almere’s character as a specific “type” of place but call for an open, post-suburban perspective.Cosmopolitanism beyond the city: discourses and experiences of young migrants in post-suburban NetherlandsAll authorsYannis Tzaninis https://doi.org/10.1080/02723638.2019.1637212Published online:02 July 2019Figure 2. Total population of Almere by migration background.CBS, 2019Display full sizeFigure 2. Total population of Almere by migration background.CBS, 2019Cosmopolitanism beyond the city: discourses and experiences of young migrants in post-suburban NetherlandsAll authorsYannis Tzaninis https://doi.org/10.1080/02723638.2019.1637212Published online:02 July 2019Figure 3. Total population of Almere by place of birth.CBS, 2019Display full sizeFigure 3. Total population of Almere by place of birth.CBS, 2019The data for this paper are based on research in Almere between 2012 and 2014. I draw from 11 long, in-depth interviews with international newcomers to Almere,3 some of whom eventually moved to Amsterdam, or even moved back to their home country. Despite Almere’s diversification, young international migrants are a fairly recent and rather specific, narrow group, hence in order to locate respondents I employed “snowball sampling”; considering especially that I am myself a young migrant in the Netherlands, I started with my own networks and then expanded on the respondents’ networks. Accounting for possible biases due to this methodology, on the one hand, it should be noted that the aim here is mainly depth instead of generalizability. On the other hand, the bias is mitigated by adopting a narrow definition of the population in question (young, international migrants, mainly from South(east) Europe) while triangulating with additional data, namely a short ethnography of an international group in Almere (described in detail below).The interviews lasted between two and four hours, took place at a café (in Almere or Amsterdam) or at the respondents’ home. The topics were mainly about the respondents’ motivations to migrate and their experiences in Almere since, focusing especially on questions about urban and suburban ways of life. The majority of the respondents were relatively young, either in their late twenties or early thirties, and moved to the Netherlands in recent years. For some of them class was fairly dynamic since several of those who were not professionals belonged to what could be considered the intellectual precariat (e.g. artists). Almost half of them were single, and the other respondents had partners either born in the Netherlands or in their country of origin. The general aim is to explore the meaning that these young migrants give to their mobility trajectory, and their discourses that relate to cosmopolitanism.Additionally, I draw from several meetings of “International Almere” (IA), an international group I attended in Almere. “International Almere is a group of volunteers from all over the world whose mission it is to help others connect and meet in Almere”.4 I joined IA’s social gatherings several times in 2013, meeting in total around 30 persons between 25 and 45 years old. Most were single while some were joining the meetings with their partners, often of Dutch descent. Among the group there were persons from France, South Africa, Kenya, Spain, Mauritius, Czech Republic and more, mostly seeking social contact. The group has been focusing on socializing as they claim in their website: “we all know what it’s like to end up in another country and try to find a social network”.5 I draw from these observations in order to contextualize the existence of a self-identifying cosmopolitan group in post-suburbia. The aim is to provide an aspect of life in a post-suburban environment that is fairly absent from collective imaginations and scholarly analyses.The suburbanization of (young) diversityIn recent years there is plenty of evidence that suburban settlements have become diversified in terms of population composition; these new phenomena are generally discussed in traditional terminology of immigrant (spatial) integration into wider society (Alba, Logan, Stults, Marzan, & Wenquan, 1999; Dawkins, 2009; Hall & Lee, 2010; Hanlon, Vicino, & Short, 2006; Katz, Creighton, Amsterdam, & Chowkwanyun, 2010; Lichter & Johnson, 2006; Logan, Zhang, & Alba, 2002; Orfield & Luce, 2013; Waters & Jiménez, 2005). As an extension of typical Chicago School sociology, these scholars look at the position of migrants in (post)suburbia as a narrative of success versus failure. Alternative views come from scholars that stress the precarity in hyper-mobile migrant life (Castles, 2012), or the importance of urban scales and urban (re)structuring for understanding migration dynamics and experiences (Schiller & Çağlar, 2009). Schiller and Çağlar (2009) argue that “in migration studies, cities, if approached comparatively and within a global perspective, can serve as important units of analysis in exploring the interface between migrants’ pathways of incorporation and the materialization of broader neoliberal processes” (Schiller & Çağlar, 2009, p. 179). Despite challenging the even more common bias in migration studies of looking through national welfare regimes (methodological nationalism) the authors’ cityism is explicit and they create a new reification, namely the (unproblematized) city-site.For the aims of this paper, I focus on “specificity and context” (Watson, 2017, p. 2650) to unpack successes and disruptions of everyday cosmopolitanism, emphasizing the role of everyday migrant participation in reconfiguring identity and belonging (Hall, 2015, p. 865; see also Baillie Smith and Jenkins (2012) on the cosmopolitan subjectivities of activists). The importance of youth’s mobility dynamics is discussed in Moos (2016), who demonstrates how the apparent “youthification” in North-American, gentrifying inner cities is a more accurate indication for high-density living (“densification”) than gentrification; young adults are attracted to places that are “amenity-rich, with high economic prospects and relatively lower housing costs than in the largest global cities” (p. 2906). Accordingly, in Vancouver’s “decentralized concentration” (Moos, 2014, p. 28), young adults are concentrating especially around (urban and suburban) transit nodes. In this paper I discuss (migrant) youth in terms comparable to Moos’ analyses (albeit focusing exclusively outside the typically urban milieu): such commonly precarious persons may live in well-connected, economically active, (post)suburban areas like Almere, although how these young persons fare in such an environment is an empirical question, aspects of which are answered in this paper.Throughout the analysis I reflect on wider (urban) economic restructuring processes through the experiences of the internationally mobile, and to the shifting role of post-suburban spaces in a metropolitan region. My aim is to show how in times of financial crisis and widespread youth precarity in the advanced capitalist world, (dis/advantaged) young people are trying to find employment, while still adopting cosmopolitan practice and parlance. Through their narratives we can grasp what it means to have a relatively unstable life today, especially in Europe, as a member of an educated class who would probably not be as mobile if there were labor stability at home.Cosmopolitan suburbanitesInternational Almere meets every fourth Friday at the Apollo Hotel restaurant, a cylindrical, brown appendage-like structure attached to an elevated block, with small, scuttle-shaped windows. The hotel stands at the end of central Almere’s esplanade, in front of the artificial lake Weerwater, next to a wide, open space. Inside, the brown and red colors accentuate coziness and, despite being a hotel, ergo generic, the space seems appropriate for intimate meetings. As I approach on a Friday evening in the summer of 2012, the members of the group turn to me expectantly waiting for the introductions. After the formalities, they seem to relax and get back to chatting sessions intermittent with silences in between. This first time that I join the meeting I see around ten persons of diverse looks and demeanors. They generally seem introverted and sometimes socially uneasy but still eager to communicate and develop rapport with one another. Two persons live in Lelystad (population 76,000), another new town in the Amsterdam metropolitan region, 30km northeast of Almere, but seek some “international” contact, which is not easily found in their town. A man in his thirties who moved from Germany to the Netherlands for work lives in Amsterdam’s suburban municipality Diemen. The group consists of several professionals, many of whom have spent long years studying. Still, they do not seem to adopt their profession as an identity. Rarely do they talk about their work and if they do it is only to clarify what it is they are up to. At first they seem open and tolerant; after all, the group is very eclectic in terms of origins. Yet they appear as an exclusive group, as the highly-educated professionals among them are a majority. Moreover, every now and then I hear remarks that do not correspond to inclusive views. Talk about “Moroccans and Turks” being “too many” in Amsterdam or complaints about “blacks” in Almere’s neighborhoods are formulated more than once.Meanwhile I am talking with Eddie, a US-citizen from a small town in Colorado. He seems rather content and describes to me how great Almere is in his view. He graphically explains how when he opens his front door he comes across all kinds of cultures and people. Eventually, he exclaims with enthusiasm to me that in fact “Almere is the melting pot!”. Almere has been called many things from time to time, “utopia”, the “ugliest” city in the Netherlands, a boring place, a lively new town, but this must be one of the exceptional cases where it is seen as a melting pot, a rather novel characterization alluding to cosmopolitanism in post-suburbia. Pavlina (30s) moved from Czech Republic to the Netherlands and in her view Amsterdam and Haarlem are too dense with residents, and offering little, expensive space. She was living in Hoofdorp (73,000, 20km southwest of Amsterdam) but she felt it was like a village, and then she heard a lot about Almere and moved there, finding the “in-between” space she was looking for. Chloe (30s) moved from Lyon (490,000) to Almere in order to work in Lelystad (77,000), a new town from the 1960s, not far from Almere. For her, Amsterdam is both too far from work and too chaotic; meanwhile she met her partner in Lelystad and in 2013 she was planning to move there with him.To delve even deeper into the experiences of young migrants in Almere in the following section I analyze the interviews I conducted in more intimate settings, some of which as a follow-up to the IA social gatherings. For many respondents mobility to the Netherlands has been a significant life event, making the significance of their move to Almere intertwined with moving to another country in general. That said, since in most cases the respondents are familiar with Amsterdam, their awareness of Almere’s character comes from it not being Amsterdam, or being a part of Amsterdam. The Dutch capital is often used as a reference point to make it easier for them to reconstruct their migration trajectories and experiences in Almere. Hence I discuss their experiences of living in Almere and their future expectations of staying or leaving the town.Cosmopolitanism in post-suburbia with (some) privilegeEddie (early 30s, raised in Littleton, Colorado, USA, 40,000) moved from San Francisco (840,000) directly to Almere in 2012. He was working for a Dutch company located in San Francisco when he was asked to move and work for their European branch near the small town Zeewolde (21,000), not far from Almere. He has moved and traveled extensively, also in Europe, and as he claims he did not hesitate back in 2012 to move to the Netherlands. We are sitting outside a quite café in Amsterdam East having late afternoon drinks when I ask him if he considered living in Amsterdam instead. He responds by listing certain practicalities and trade-offs for living in Almere which is “the best of both worlds”, ostensibly the urban and the suburban. When asked about how Almere compares to other cities, he appreciates that “it has its little personality.” Eddie deems that despite the common notion that the USA is a melting pot, Almere is the real melting pot, where everything feels new and social contacts can be fully international. He graphically explains how when he opens his front door he comes across all kinds of cultures and people, while: Having a foreign network of internationals was important to me. And that is definitely one of the reasons why I chose Almere and why I will stay in Almere. Now I have a social network there. Friends, people I rely on, a life I mostly enjoy and is comfortable to me.Be it a “melting pot” and a community where people have chosen to live, for Eddie Almere is a place of encounters and diversity. The centrality of consumption practices is pertinent for Eddie’s habits not only in terms of accessibility to amenities but also of community feeling which is sometimes disrupted by Almere’s consumption time-clock, as its commercial center closes early in the evening. Amsterdam seems to be offering access to consumption more effectively, although not necessarily as a community-building process, but for Almere such disparity is detrimental according to Eddie. At some point I ask Eddie to draw his neighborhood who instead decides to describe it verbally. He constructs a cosmopolitan living environment dominated by consumption practices (“movie theater”, “toko shops”6) in combination with social interactions (hanging out with a “Dutch truck driver, a Spanish au pair, and a Peruvian administrator”), anchored to a mostly ornamental lake at its center (“if I had to think of [Almere] as a single image it would be that lake … It’s a mini city trying to establish itself on the lake”). Eddie is an example of a cosmopolite who thrives in a post-suburban space like Almere; in 2014 he was still living there.I meet Anna (early 30s) at a café in Almere center on an early afternoon. She explains that she grew up in Brașov (275,000), a mid-sized city in Romania, in a family of engineers (grandfather, both parents, brother) with family ties that extend to Canada, Italy and Russia. She studied environmental engineering in Brașov and in her mid-20s, during a visit to Paris, she met her future, Dutch husband. After a year of relationship from a distance, she moved to the Netherlands to Amstelveen, a suburb 10km south of Amsterdam. Despite her specialized education she only found work in retail at the center of Amsterdam, something she was not very happy with: In Romania I was working as an account’s manager, there it was business-to-business and I was having meetings and lunches with clients, and working at [a department store] was kind of shock to me, also to learn to be more [humble] …After a year she decided to return to Romania, at least for some time, while her partner started looking for work in Romania. Anna was soon offered work from the Netherlands for her Dutch language skills so she became a process assistant for companies in Belgium and the Netherlands while based in Romania. Eventually she moved back to the Netherlands to complete a Master’s program, spent a few months in Nepal for her study, and soon after, she married her partner. They became very motivated to move to a place in the towns around Amsterdam, and apart from Almere they looked in several places, Haarlem, Amstelveen, Diemen, Aalsmeer, Uithoorn. In the end they settled in a house in Almere. Her experience with life in Almere has a certain cosmopolitan lack: I would like to see more happening in the sense of more festivals and things in the streets. That would make it much more interesting to come here instead of going to Amsterdam, because it’s easier also here to come with the bike. Yes, so as long as it remains the center and not in front of my house [because] I like the quietness …Anna is a typical case of a person with cosmopolitan practice and mindset that feels at home in a post-suburban environment. She recognizes the elements characterizing post-suburbia not being particularly cosmopolitan but nonetheless seems satisfied to be in a “softer” urban environment.Liana (late 20s), raised in Iasi (290,000) in Romania, moved to Almere from Bucharest (1.9 million) in 2011 because she could not find work due to the economic crisis, as she said. Initially she was encouraged to come and study in Amsterdam by an earlier migrant to the Netherlands, a friend who had moved already to Almere in 2009 from their hometown. After finishing her Law studies in Amsterdam, she decided to return to Romania, but after only two weeks of being back in Bucharest, she discovered an internship in the Netherlands and she returned as an intern for a major Korean company in Almere. As we are having coffee at a popular, noisy café in Amsterdam’s center she describes how her first impression of the town was not inspiring due to the town’s empty spaces being developed in its periphery and as she says, she “looked around [from] the highway” and she thought: “what the fuck is this place in the middle of nowhere?, I do not want to be here.” Nonetheless, after some time she started considering Almere’s center a “beautiful place”. Her everyday routine while living in Almere developed into a rather segmented lifestyle wherein on weekdays she would work and then spend three hours at a local gym, while she would always visit Amsterdam in the weekends, spending Friday till Sunday at a friend’s place.It took her some time but eventually she discovered the cosmopolitanism around her, at least among her international colleagues: I started to know my colleagues a little bit better and I realized that I am in a young international environment, and then I started hanging out with them a lot.When asked if she would have preferred to live in Amsterdam, Liana describes a hard reality of lacking financial resources. Liana “escaped” from Almere to Amsterdam after a year of staying in Almere. Amsterdam is more international … In Almere I did not find international people, only Dutch and immigrants, not the international people I like to hang out with … In Almere it was too quiet for me.She expresses her preference for the international character of the Dutch capital, although in a skewed way, as she distinguishes between “immigrants” and “international people”. Even though she eventually settled in Amsterdam, she was laid off due to the company doing poorly. In that difficult period, she temporarily went to Romania to officially become a lawyer, but after the advice of a friend she became a freelancing legal advisor in the Netherlands. This allowed her to remain in Amsterdam, considering that there is generally high demand for her profession. In the long run she would rather move to a place like Almere if she would have children. Although she praises Amsterdam and seems rather attached to it, her aspirations for a suburban life are dedicated and seem to be fueled by Almere’s character despite her unpleasant experiences in the town. For her being a newcomer in an unknown country while living in post-suburbia seemed to hinder her possibilities but her expertise, being a legal expert, offers nowadays many opportunities for work. Liana represents a cosmopolitanism that rejects the (post)suburb, at least until family formation. Her lifestyle was compromised while in Almere and in the summer of 2012 Liana was “happily” living in Amsterdam.Donato (early 30s), an IT expert, moved to the Netherlands from Cascais (200,000), a coastal city outside Lisbon. He was later joined by his partner Iris from Portugal and eventually her brother Iago. I have been invited for dinner to their spacious apartment in a residential tower located in Almere center; their place feels quite luxurious, with a large balcony and view of the lake. Donato’s desire to move to the Netherlands stemmed from a combination of working conditions and a personal drive to be abroad, in a place like Amsterdam. First of all it was the sense of adventure … I was changing jobs every year for four years. I was tired of the working culture there … I was looking for a job and I started to look outside, without my contacts. I was looking in the UK and in the Netherlands because I had been here before and I liked the culture, I liked Amsterdam.He first lived in Amsterdam for a year but when Iris joined him, they quickly realized how inaccessible Amsterdam’s housing market was. His former experience of living in Amsterdam was disappointing, as he found the rent prices too high and the legal issues too serious. Donato and Iris looked for a place in areas surrounding Amsterdam, such as Haarlem and Amstelveen. A colleague of his, who was living in Almere, recommended the town and they decided to investigate. They “were really amazed by the housing conditions and all the neighborhoods that were so quiet.” They eventually found a large apartment to rent for €1200/month. More generally Donato is skeptical of moving to Amsterdam primarily due to the lack of high-quality affordable housing, something easier to get in Almere. When discussing further the Amsterdam-Almere comparison, he demonstrates a certain vision of “freedom” in a living environment, which for Donato is access to nature, a nice view and calmness. His suburbophilia manifests as a statement against crowdedness and in favor of undisturbed walks. Donato and Iris express a rather mundane, suburban cosmopolitanism; living in a fairly quiet area, spending lots of time at home, while still having an international social network and visiting Amsterdam for leisure. They were still living in their apartment in Almere in 2014.Cosmopolitanism and precarityI am sitting with Magda (early 20s) at the apartment of a common friend who agreed to help as an interpreter since Magda’s English is not perfect. She studied theater in Portugal and talks a lot about the labor related problems where she used to live, in Setúbal (120,000), a small coastal, suburban city outside Lisbon (550,000). After she came to the Netherlands she worked at a beauty salon franchise in Almere and Utrecht, run by a woman from Brazil, employing mainly Portuguese-speaking workers who “all came due to the crisis.” Her way to find work was to “just google: find job in Holland”. Magda moved to the Netherlands after her sister-in-law, who also worked for a while at the same beauty salon, came first. Magda, having stayed in Almere only for three months, eventually moved out of the town to the place of her sister-in-law in Amstelveen. Her situation has been heavily influenced by work-related factors: she found a job with little information from Portugal and moved to a home sublet by her boss in Almere, where other colleagues were living. However, she wanted to live in, or closer to, Amsterdam as it offers more for her theater expertise: “Almere is suburban and to find work in stores etc. It’s okay but not in my [field].” Magda’s mobility is a rather typical trajectory as of late regarding South European migration to the North. There was a lack of opportunities in her hometown and she moved to the Netherlands, following her sister-in-law. Nonetheless, due to the housing linked to her specific labor circumstances, she moved to Almere, a place where opportunities for her theater expertise were scarce. For a young, internationally mobile creative worker like Magda the post-suburb is thus a potentially facilitating entry point, close to an unaffordable city like Amsterdam, but becomes a limiting space for further aspirations due to its lack of opportunities for certain fields. She represents a cosmopolitanism that struggles in a post-suburban space and can fit better in the urban. Case in point, things did not work out for Magda as she wanted; the labor market in Amsterdam proved too difficult for a newly arrived artist without established networks like her, and in the beginning of 2015 she returned to Portugal.I am interviewing Iris’ brother Iago (early 30s), an audio engineer, at their aforementioned apartment in Almere on an early afternoon. While he is showing me his cannabis plants in their balcony, he explains that he migrated due to the combination of his friends leaving and for wanting to enrich his experiences, and less due to the financial crisis: I was not afraid of the crisis because I always had work. Sometimes it was better, sometimes I had no money. But my friends left, so I was left alone and I said “now is my time”. And my sister was here so …Nonetheless his lack of social networks seems detrimental as he is unable to find work. He wishes he lived in Amsterdam, especially for the “networking” opportunities. Although he enjoys the comfortable and quiet life in Almere, Iago struggles both due to his newcomer status and because of living in Almere where networking for internationals is less prominent and visible. As he moved without secure employment, his capacity to find work as an audio engineer while living in Almere is severely compromised: “lack of culture … no music places, anything in Almere’s relation to arts is commercial”.He still emphasizes that Almere is accessible to “people without money”, young people and “other more sophisticated” persons, while “the integration of each place is well done”. He even calls the town “regular Dutch”. Lastly, when asked whether migrating to another country was a step forward, his vocabulary is rather geographical and economical: For my profession not, but overall yes. It is really easy to invest [by moving] and get profit after … I wouldn’t settle in Amsterdam, everything is overpriced, it is rushed compared to Almere …As in the case of Magda, things did not work out for Iago’s desires and in the end of 2014 he returned to Portugal. These two cases show how the (lack of) potential of movement leading to social inequalities is a recurring phenomenon in Almere, obvious especially in how international migrants mention their ability to adapt by moving, in relation to “being stuck”, “left behind”, or “being free” and “chasing the dream”.DiscussionThe respondents’ stories demonstrate that cosmopolitanism among certain young, international migrants in post-suburbia can appear as a variegated issue. In general the respondents’ social networks are unsurprisingly international, and can be instrumental in helping to maneuver in a new social (urban and national) environment, even more so because they are in a post-suburban, fairly constraining environment. The two major issues of finding housing and work are dealt in several cases with the help of a friend, colleague or relative. This importance of personal relationships and interdependence is demonstrated by Worth (2016) who explores the experiences of young, precarious workers in Canada. The difference here is that such accessibility can be even more crucial for international migrants since the formal channels are rather closed for them, at least at first (Ryan, Sales, Tilki, & Siara, 2008). For Magda, remaining in a place like Almere was hindering her ability to network (not for her “field”), while for Eddie the town seemed to have been socially beneficial as he joined international groups whose members sought each other’s contact. For Liana moving to Almere happened after actually finding short-term work, and from then onwards she considered it a constraining environment, while for Donato and Iris, it was rather comfortable while their networks seemed to be less dynamic or at least less influential.The respondents often shift their discourses between different sets of aspirations. While considering the state of the labor market for instance, they commonly discuss job-related motivations. As mostly South(east) European countries however have been hurt by the recent financial crisis, some respondents have been more affected by the lack of job security and hence use labor-related vocabulary more commonly. In such cases moving to Northern Europe is more explicitly considered a job- and security-seeking strategy by those less privileged. Yet, at other moments the respondents emphasize wanting a cosmopolitan experience in a more international environment. My argument here is that everyday experiences can be cosmopolitan and precarious. As a consequence, the meaning of living in Almere challenges the urban-suburban binary and points to the importance of the relationality between different scales (transnational, metropolitan) and between socio-economic factors (housing cost, labor opportunities).In the cases of some respondents appreciating life in post-suburbia, an anti-urban discourse occasionally emerges by praising what Almere is not confronted with, in contrast to Amsterdam (chaos, litter, noise), but also how Almere provides selective accessibility to certain resources through its proximity to Amsterdam (culture, fun, work). These persons also value the resources within Almere, which, although limited, may still be satisfying enough. On the contrary, others are experiencing the social cost of not having immediate access to the resources that Amsterdam seems to offer. As their networks are still underdeveloped, they cannot gain access to information or opportunities to find employment, both of which they consider accessible in Amsterdam. If they overcome the constraining and complex circumstances of Amsterdam’s housing market (Hochstenbach & Boterman, 2015), they might succeed in moving to the Dutch capital, although predominantly in subpar apartments; in recent years moving to Almere has been a stepping stone for many after all (Tzaninis, 2015). Despite the increasingly converging pathways of urban and (post)suburban spaces (Tzaninis & Boterman, 2018), these divergencies in opportunities and networks are illustrations of at least some persistent differences between the urban and post-suburban.Conclusion – the post-suburban cosmopoliteMany new, young international migrants lack the resources to get incorporated into the increasingly exclusive, inner-city socio-economic fabrics across the world. In accordance to such phenomena globally, international newcomers in the Amsterdam metropolitan region are progressively moving and living in (post)suburbs and satellite towns. Several Western capitals have become especially inaccessible for the internationally mobile youth, often due to housing prices that young people cannot afford (Bugeja-Bloch, 2013; Hochstenbach & Boterman, 2015). As a result, the presence of this kind of migrants may get hindered in the city, often becoming more plausible in post-suburbia. The practice, parlance and experiences that manifest among them resemble less the somewhat romanticized “cosmopolitan competences” that migrants are implicitly expected to develop (Vertovec, 2009; Wessendorf, 2019) and are rather the indications of the effects of constantly shrinking and expanding opportunity of (European) capitalism in crisis.In the relatively more accessible milieu of post-suburbia those young, often educated migrants can end up in circumstances which may not be that dissimilar from what they left behind in their country of origin. Hence they struggle against their lack of privilege which is largely created due to their status as migrants; they are less free than they might appear at first, as an unsurprising reminder of how migration and class intersect. The dichotomies are then possibly perpetuated in different modalities, between native-migrant, between privilege-lack thereof, between city-suburb. Hence when we look especially at non-city cosmopolitanisms of young migrants we may also find a resemblance to subaltern or indigenous cosmopolitanism (Zeng, 2014), instead of transnational elites alone. Watson and Saha (2013) demonstrate a similar process of subtle and generally ignored cosmopolitanism in London’s ethnicizing suburbs where everyday multicultural experiences and practices have actually brought a “multicultural drift”. Moreover in Cheshire et al. (2014) we see how Australian farmers can be cosmopolitan in every sense throughout their everyday life; in short, they can be “globally engaged” despite appearing rooted at first glance. And even further, Williamson (2016) demonstrates the “vernacular cosmopolitanism” in a Sydney suburb that emerges without fanfare but as banal. In Almere emerges a Janus-faced post-suburban cosmopolitanism as a mix of the desire to be close to the urban but not too close, or attempting to live inside the city but unable to afford it.The city hence is not necessary for (certain kinds of) cosmopolitanism to manifest, and social diversity and cultural difference are not exclusively mitigated by urbanity. Instead, for the “cosmopolitan canopy” to materialize (Anderson, 2004) a new diversity can be found nowadays in non-city spaces in post-suburbia, so the question is: what does this tell us about cosmopolitanism? How “politan” (or urban) does it need to be, and how “cosmo” (or global) are the post-suburbs? A way for urban scholars to address these questions is by incorporating the new waves of international mobility to (post)suburbs in terms of a historical dialogue between urban and suburban cultures and ways of life. As this analysis shows, suburbanizing can even be a conscious and committed choice to stay away from the urban. The paper further demonstrates that international movement to an ambiguous space (periphery for some, a lively city for others) is related to distinct discourses of place, while it is molding experiences of urbanity vis-à-vis suburbanity. Despite evidence of the urban and suburban forms blending and becoming less distinguishable (Nijman & Clery, 2015; Tzaninis & Boterman, 2018), the dichotomy between them is still reproduced in policy, theory and common reasoning. This paper thus calls for the need to problematize the dichotomy when analyzing international migration, urban growth and metropolitan integration, and focus on the nuances whether and how the dichotomy is preserved.AcknowledgmentsI am deeply grateful to Olga Sezneva, Nicholas Phelps, Maria Kaika and Roger Keil for their invaluable comments and suggestions.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Correction StatementThis article has been republished with minor changes. 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